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Thank you to all of you.

This might be the last Foreign Affairs Council I chaired. It will be the 50^th, [formal Foreign Affairs Council] and, all in all, [between] foreign affairs, defence, development, it has been 122 Councils [that I have chaired]. I hope it is going to be the last one [on foreign affairs]. 

Allow me a short reflection, before I go to today’s discussion.  

I started my mandate five years ago, it was on the 9^th December, and on the agenda of the Foreign Affairs Council it was Russia and Ukraine. It was Middle East, and it was the US. 

I am talking [about] five years ago.  

Five years ago, we discussed about Russia and Ukraine – not about the war, but the process within the Normandy format. Do you remember the Normandy format? We discussed about it. We discussed about the Middle East (not about the wars but about the tensions, the growing tensions, with Iran). And we discussed about the relationship with Trump’s administration and about their cooperation or, if you prefer, about the lack of cooperation between the United States’ [Trump] administration and the European Union’s administration. 

I remember, at that time, many leaders were saying: “We have to take our destiny in our [own] hands.” This was in 2017. It sounds a little bit [like] the same thing that [we are saying] today. We have to take our destiny in our [own] hands – but it was five years ago. 

Five years ago, we spent most of our discussions on the same issues that we have been  discussing today – from a completely different perspective. There was not a war in Ukraine, there was not a war in the Middle East, but we were talking about Ukraine and Middle East.  

So, let’s [leave] the historians draw the conclusions of these five years.  

I can only repeat one thing: we have to be more united if we want to speak the language of power. The sentence that I told to the Members of the Parliament during my hearing, I think is still valid.  

If we want to be a geopolitical player, if we want to use the language of power, we have to be more united. More united, closer to our partners and more realistic in our approach to the rest of the world. 

During these five years I tried to do my best to overcome the blockages and paralysis to make the European Union be able to react as quick as possible. 

It is certainly below my ambition. I think that we have to increase the efforts for more unity among the Europeans, among Member States, and between Member States and the European Union institutions.  

Now, we are in a transition period, but the world does not stop. We are in a transition [period], we are doing hearings, we are nominating [Commissioners] - but the world does not stop.  

On the contrary, it accelerates, and it goes in the bad direction. It goes quicker, but it the wrong direction. More and more the forces that challenges us require a quicker reaction from the European Union.  

Yes, the world goes in the bad direction.  The three poles of tension, let’s call it, Ukraine, Middle East and South China Sea, the three geopolitical tension [poles], articulated in these three places, increasingly go in a direction that makes the new American administration an important [actor] – and certainly it has always been an important actor, but this one, in particular, will be an important actor. Because there are a lot of question marks about how the new American administration will behave in these three poles of tension.  

In our agenda today, we started with Ukraine with [Foreign] Minister [Andrii] Sybiha briefing us via videoconference. 

We discussed about the needs of Ukraine in order to strength its capacity of defence, and it was rightly so because yesterday Russia launched the massive missile attack, the biggest missile attack in the last month – targeting specifically civilian infrastructure and, in particular, electricity systems. 

They did not attack the nuclear reactors, but they attacked the sub-station that takes the electricity from these nuclear stations to the grid. Ukrainians were able to shot down about 80% of the Russian missiles – also using F16 [aircrafts] – but, today, for example, in Odesa, they are 80% out of electricity. So, the attacks against the civilian infrastructure, and in particular electricity, is more important than at any other moment. At Odessa, tens of people being killed and injured, and many more around Ukraine. 

What does it mean? Well, it means that Putin does not look to be ready to negotiate, but rather to escalate. He does not look willing to negotiate, but to escalate the war in order to fulfil his goals. His goals have been clear since the beginning: to conquer, to occupy and to subjugate Ukraine, a European country, a candidate country to the European Union. 

Tomorrow will mark 1000 days of the war, 1000 days. Putin believed that it was going to last two weeks. This was his plan. In a couple of weeks, in Kyiv. 1000 days later, they are still fighting in the Donbas. But it is not only 1000 days, it is 4000 days since Putin attacked Ukraine for the first time. It was in 2014. Maybe our response should have been firmer, stronger, since the beginning, since 2014.  

Now Russia is escalating its aggression. We have to avoid this happens with impunity.  

It is clear that each step that is being left without reaction encourages Russia to escalate further: no reaction, more escalation. They started by weaponising food, by weaponising energy, using the winter as a weapon. Then, they resort to Iranian drones and missiles, and military supplies from North Korea – and now even North Korean soldiers at the borders of Ukraine. Then they call to China. The role of China is becoming bigger and bigger. China is largest provider of dual-use goods and sensitive items that sustain Russia’s military industrial base.  

Without North Korea, without Iran, without China, Russia could not support its military effort. It could not continue fighting the war. Certainly, we are concerned by reports of production and deliveries of complete weapons systems from these three countries – but in particular, it is North Korea and Iran, the [direct] suppliers of military hardware. 

Now, you can all imagine what comes next if we let Putin continue escalating, a point made that many Member States have been putting on the table and under discussion today. 

It is time for Europe to step up. It is time for Europe to take their strategic responsibilities in front of Ukraine – being attacked as yesterday it was attacked by these waves of missiles, launched just to make us understand which are the real purposes of the Kremlin.  

I say today, and after hours of discussion with my colleagues, Member States and Ministers of Foreign Affairs – and tomorrow Ministers of Defence – that our support to Ukraine has to remain. From military support to financial support, to sanctions. This is in our own vital interest too. History will ultimately judge us on what we did when we had to face difficult times. 

This was about [Russia’s] war against Ukraine. Then, we went to the Middle East – in fact, we started yesterday.  

Yesterday, I hosted an informal dinner with the former Israeli Prime Minister Olmert and the former Palestinian Foreign Minister Al Qidwa to hear about their peace plan, which is a ray of hope in these dark times.  

Sitting together, Palestinian and Israeli former officials, former President of [the government of] one country, former Foreign Minister of the other, to talk amongst them. To put on the table the plans for building peace. It is such a rare thing, that we have to use all the opportunities in order to make peace advance.  

We did a lot, and I want to thank the Special Representative of the Council [Sven Koopmans] for the work done, together with the people from my Cabinet, in order to sit at the same table civil society from Palestine and Israel.  

There is such a lack of empathy for the sufferance of the other, that it is important that we make people understand that peace will come one day. This peace has to be prepared and pursued – we did that in Barcelona, we did that in Brussels. We will do it again, every time an opportunity comes, let’s talk about peace.  

We discussed what else we could do to create public support and momentum to return to the path of peace. Our guests, yesterday, reminded us how close the parties came to an agreement at that time, many years ago in 2008, but then history turned in the other direction. Peace was not possible, and the war continued.  

Now we have a moment in which we have to look for all our forces in order to avoid the destruction and the tragic circumstances that are being endured by the people in Gaza and Lebanon; by the hostages still not being released; with the apocalyptical situation in Gaza, where 70% of the death toll is being paid by children and women.  

70% of the casualties are children or women. In Lebanon, 100,000 houses destroyed. In Gaza, 2 million people [moved] from one side to the other of the strip. The most frequent age of the casualties in Gaza is a 5 to 9 years old child. The most frequent age of the casualties in Gaza is a 5 to 9 years old child – this is a war against the children.  

This is something that you cannot explain, the suffering of the people – starting with the remaining hostages, and following by the tens of thousands of people suffering the worst possible conditions.  

Listen to the UNRWA head, listen to [Philippe] Lazzarini, listen to everyone who has been able to get news from what is happening in Gaza, to understand what is going on.  

That is why I proposed to the Council to suspend [a part of] the Association Agreement with Israel. More specifically, the part that falls into the exclusive competence of the Council, knowing that the Commission has not proposed anything after Spain and Ireland asked for a study [on] how much Israel is fulfilling the obligations according to the Association Agreement.

I presented the report done by our Special Representative for Human Rights. Most of the Member States considered that it was much better to continue having diplomatic and political relationships with Israel. So, the decision was not taken into consideration, as expected. But, at least, I put on the table all the information produced by United Nations Organisations and every international organisation working in Gaza and the West Bank and in Lebanon, in order to judge the way the war is being waged.  

We discussed also about UNRWA, the legislation adopted by the Knesset, which we have condemned strongly, considering that the role of UNRWA’s is irreplaceable – but without saying how it will be replaced.  

We discussed about the sanctions proposed against Hamas, and against the violent settlers – against the people who are attacking the Palestinians in their houses and their lands in the West Bank.  

The West Bank remains on the brink, [facing] Israeli [military] operations and settlers’ violence. There has not been an agreement [among Member States], not yet, but I hope [it will arrive]. By the way, following the decisions taken today by the Biden administration, the Member States will reconsider the proposals I made about some extremist settlers, by their illegal actions in the West Bank.  

We also considered the consequences of the ruling of the International Court of Justice about the economic relations with the illegally occupied territories, which are under a system of labelling in order to identify them coming from these illegally occupied territories and Member States will decide if they consider taking more actions, according to this ruling of the International Court of Justice. 

On Lebanon, Member States were considering a ceasefire, asking for it to take place quickly, considering the massive displacement of close to one million people, widespread destruction of civilian infrastructure, and surging civilian death at a level that cannot be tolerated.  

All and all, Lebanon, West Bank, Gaza, hostages, the peace process, has to be revived. The Global Alliance for the implementation of the two-states solution that we launched in United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) had a meeting in Riyadh and will have a [follow up] meeting on 28 November, my last day in office, here in Brussels.  

The key word is implementation, not just recognition, not just expressing wish, but implementation, doing something for this to happen. Otherwise, it will be words that bring us nowhere, and we need to go somewhere. We need to go for a settlement, for a solution of this endless crisis with so much sufferings, so many people losing their lives these last five years.  

In the middle of this discussion, we discussed also about the relationship with the United States. We need an unprecedented level of coordination among us, in order to deal with the new American administration.  

Secretary Blinken came to Brussels [last week]. I had a meeting with him. I remembered how many times we were discussing about how to avoid the war in Ukraine, and how many times we have been discussing about how to get a ceasefire in Gaza.  We will meet again in Rome, by the end of the month, but now the situation is completely different. 

We have the North Korean soldiers fighting against the Ukrainians at the borders of Europe. We have the Iranian military assistance, [and] ongoing support from China to Russia.  

The political landscape is completely different and the relationship with the new American administration will certainly be, how can I say it, interesting.  

It is also an opportunity for us. It is also an opportunity for the Europeans to appear as a reliable partner, as a rational actor, as someone that can bring rationality. [Someone] that can bring interests, for sure, but also respect for international law, respect for the climate threat. Not only, let’s say, dealing above the alliances, and above the rules. This is something that the Europeans have to use as an opportunity.  

Trump represents an opportunity for the Europeans. Not only to wake up, we already woke up five years ago, but to use our capacity and our system of working in order to [have] a clear voice in the world stage.  

We have to invest more in security and defence. This is something that I have been repeating since the beginning. [Do you] remember [when I said,] ‘Europe is in danger?’, in 2022. Remember [me saying], ‘Europe is in danger’ [and presenting] the Strategic Compass.  

Increased defence capacities, production of ammunition, being stronger. Europe has to develop its security and defence. That is the work of the High Representative – I want to remind it - The High Representative is not [only] the chief diplomat, it is for diplomacy and it is for defence. It is for security and defence.  

I have been very proud to develop this part of my job.  

Then we discussed all the other businesses. A lot of other businesses. We discussed Georgia, the Horn of Africa, Venezuela, COP29 in Azerbaijan.  

Let’s start by Georgia. 

The conduct of the parliamentary elections last month confirmed the democratic backsliding of the country under its current government.  

Georgian Dream’s leaders have moved the country away from the European Union path, going against the aspirations of the Georgian people and to the country’s goal to be on the way to the European Union.  We all want the same thing for Georgia – to get it back to the European path.  

This will require efforts. We will send to Georgia a mission. We will discuss the irregularities, and elections will have to be investigated. The government has to produce decisive changes through concrete actions.  Georgia cannot move forward in its relationship with the European Union, it will not be able to advance into the European path, without strong changes.  

We will invite the Head of the ODIHR election observation mission to Georgia to present his assessment on the election irregularities to the Member States.  We will inform the PSC Council meeting in order for Member States to be aware of what we are talking about when we talk about irregularities in these elections.  

To the Georgian people, I want to repeat what I said last year during my visit to Georgia: the door of the European Union will remain open for Georgia. But the course [of action] of the government of Georgia when it comes to the respect of rule of law and basic principles, including the way elections have been conducted, is turning Georgia away from its European Union integration path.  

We spent a lot of time talking about the Horn of Africa – and rightly so.  The Horn of Africa, Somalia and, in particular, Sudan, where the situation is becoming desperate. Ethnic cleansing is ongoing, and we cannot shy away. Hundreds of thousands of people are being killed. 14 million people displaced that will be leaving Sudan, one way or another, to the Egyptian border, or to the Chadian border. These people will have to leave because there is, for them, no hope at that moment. 

Member States have been very supportive of initiatives to protect civilians in Sudan. Unhappily, in the meantime, Russia has vetoed the relevant draft United Nations Security Council Resolution. While Russia is on the side of war, we are demanding an immediate cessation of hostilities.  

Also, on Somalia, we have to share the burden among international partners, [including] the Arab world, the United Nations. We, Europeans, have to be ready to support Somalia. We have been supporting Somalia for many, many years. We have to continue supporting it in order to avoid the collapse of the country.  

Closer to us, or at least closer to the country I know the best, is Venezuela. We discussed about the domestic political situation in Venezuela. Last week I met here with Edmundo González, the candidate who won the elections according to the available data. I reaffirmed our democratic support to the aspiration of the people of Venezuela. We remain united on the non-recognition of the legitimacy of Maduro as a democratically elected leader.  

La Unión Europea sigue unida en su rechazo al reconocimiento de Maduro como un líder, un presidente, elegido democráticamente. Por lo tanto, negándole la legitimidad que tendría si hubiese ganado las elecciones limpiamente. El Consejo trabajará en la revisión del actual sistema de sanciones, que sea aplicable no al pueblo de Venezuela, sino a sus líderes.

Al gobierno que consideramos que no ha ganado las elecciones y al que no reconocemos legitimidad. Seguiremos apoyando al pueblo de Venezuela en su lucha por sus derechos democráticos y apoyando siempre que sea posible una salida dialogada a la actual crisis.

La buena noticia es que las autoridades de Venezuela, el gobierno de Maduro, han liberado hoy a un número relevante de prisioneros políticos, lo cual es una buena noticia. Ninguno de ellos merecía haber sido detenido. Ninguno de ellos merecía haber estado en la cárcel. Ni un simple día. Pero es una buena noticia que Maduro haya liberado a un número importante de prisioneros políticos y continuaremos pidiendo que se liberen a los que todavía no han sido liberados y en particular los ciudadanos europeos que han sido detenidos en base a acusaciones falsas.  

This has been the result of this long Council, where we went to discussed more or less the same issues that we discussed five years before: Ukraine, Middle East and the relationship with the new American administration.  

There is a Latin-American song who says “cinco años no son nada”. Well, the song says “twenty years is nothing” but let me shorten the period and say that five years are nothing – or at least they go by very quickly.   

Thank you. 

Q&A. 

Q. I would like to ask you about the elections in Georgia. Could you please go into a bit more detail about exactly why you feel the conduct of that election is going against the will of the Georgian people and turning away from the European Union? 

As I said, we are going to send a mission, a political mission, to Georgia in order to study carefully what has happened. We have cancelled the foreseen support from the European Peace Facility to the Georgian armed forces. We have cancelled also, I think, €120 million of support to the Georgian government [EUR 121 million], who were going directly to the Georgian government, and it will be allocated to programs benefiting the civil society and the Georgian people directly. We will study all the irregularities that have been denounced. We will invite ODIHR, the electoral observation [mission’s] leader, to explain to us what has been happening. As an immediate measure [we have decided] to cancel the support, the financial support on the figures I mentioned to you. 

Q. I want to ask you about these reports of Russia producing lethal drones in China. I know your services have obtained certain evidence. Diplomats say it is convincing. China categorically denies this. So, I want to ask you, do you know China? Do you think this could be happening, this alleged production, could be happening without the knowledge of the central authorities and of President Xi Jinping? If you eventually confirm these reports of production in China, what sort of sanctions do you think the European Union should impose on China given that you have repeatedly called China not to supply any sort of lethal equipment?  

I have not produced this report. This report is not a report produced by my services, so I do not know which is the reliability of this report. The only thing I said is that China today is supplying a lot of dual-use goods to Russia. This is something that has been verified, but I have not talked about lethal drones produced in China and sent massively to Russia. 

Q. Do you feel that in relation with the Gaza war that you have been on the right side of the history? And my second question. It is really sincerely difficult for me to understand why some member states keep blind eyes while genocide is ongoing, serious crimes are ongoing for one year. Even if they provide humanitarian aid for those who are being killed, it is not useful. Do you have any explanation why some Member States do that, keep that as a stand? Allow me just to say one reflection of Mr. Ghassan Salama. You know him, Ghassan Salama, the former United Nations diplomat who said in an interview about the European Union lack of impact in the Middle East. He said in French “l’Europe a failli au Moyen Orient parce qu'elle a projeté ses problèmes historiques sur la région. Sans qu’elle change cela, elle ne peut pas être efficace dans la région”.  

Son muchas preguntas en una. Muchas preguntas en una, algunas de las cuales son imposibles de contestar porque la historia nos juzgará a todos, ¿verdad? A todos. Yo he hecho lo que creía que tenía que hacer. Dos países han pedido que se estudie de qué manera la guerra se desarrolla según los principios del derecho internacional humanitario. Lo he hecho. He presentado un informe que recoge toda la información de lo que ha ocurrido. En base a este informe, elaborado por cierto por el que es el representante especial del Consejo para los temas de derechos humanos, he hecho una propuesta que creo que, de acuerdo con mi juicio, correspondía hacer. El alto representante hace propuestas, los Estados miembros no tienen por qué aprobarlas. En este caso, no las han aprobado. Han considerado, la mayoría de ellos, que era necesario seguir manteniendo el contacto diplomático con Israel. Fíjense, las relaciones diplomáticas de los Estados miembros continúan, pero en el año 2012 se interrumpieron las reuniones del Consejo de asociación con Israel. En el año 2012 – y estuvieron interrumpidas durante 10 años, hasta que yo las reanudé. Yo volví a empezar las reuniones del Consejo de asociación con Israel, que estaban interrumpidas durante 10 años. No parece que nadie lo echara a faltar. Nadie dijo nada, durante 10 años no hubo reuniones del consejo de asociación con Israel. Ahora las emprendí otra vez, porque pensé que era necesario mantener un canal de comunicación. Luego vino la guerra, se suspendieron de nuevo. He hecho una propuesta, los Estados miembro han considerado que más valía hacer otra cosa. Es su criterio, es su decisión. Yo no puedo sino respetar la decisión mayoritaria tomada por los miembros del Consejo.  

Q. What's your explanation on the decision by Joe Biden to authorise the use of missiles to hit in Russian territory? Why do you think he decided now, after Trump's victory? What's your explanation? And did you discuss this delay in the meeting today? What are your thoughts about this? Why? Because it risks to be a swan song. 

Sí, la administración Biden ha autorizado el uso de las armas que entrega a Ucrania hasta 300 kilómetros dentro del territorio ruso. Menos que nada, no me parece una distancia espectacularmente profunda, pero es lo que ha decidido la administración Biden. ¿Por qué lo ha decidido ahora y no antes de las elecciones? No lo sé. No tengo ni idea. ¿Nosotros hemos discutido? Sí, claro. Y yo he vuelto a decir lo que he dicho ya varias veces. Esta vez he apoyado la decisión que ha tomado la administración americana, que a mí me parece razonable suministrar armas no solamente para parar la flecha sino también para atacar a los arqueros, atacar allí desde donde se ataca. Eso es una decisión nacional. Cada Estado Miembro tomará la que estime oportuno. Hoy, en particular, no ha habido ninguna toma de posición al respecto. Cada uno hará lo que quiera, pero es importante tomar nota de que la administración americana, después de decir durante mucho tiempo que no, que no, que no, al final ha acabado siendo que sí.  

Q. As you finalize your mission, let me be a little bit long, but still ask about Georgia, what will be the solution and outcome of this crisis. Today, the President of Georgia declared and repeated once more that she will not recognize the result of this rigged election. It happens for the first time in the history of Georgia when the President makes such a critical position. Georgian opposition does not intend to enter the parliament, they reject their mandates, and Georgian people is standing in the streets of Tbilisi. What do you think? These people who think that their elections and European future was rigged and stolen by Georgian dream, they demand effective and political decisions from the European Union, not only technical ones. How do you consider the possibility of international investigation, snap election and sanctioning of Oligarchs?  

Creo que ya le he contestado. No puedo decirle nada distinto de lo que ya le he dicho hace un momento. Puedo repetirlo.  

Q. Can you just specify and tell us more concretely this mission will be technical or political, as you told previously, and which European institutions will be in this mission and when we can expect their visit to Georgia? 

Es ciertamente una misión técnica. Es una misión técnica que tiene por objetivo analizar sobre el terreno todas las circunstancias que se han producido en estas elecciones contestadas. Elecciones contestadas, ni más ni menos que a nivel de la presidenta de la República, y que, desde luego, en Europa han levantado una clara preocupación por el deslizamiento hacia situaciones no democráticas. Esas irregularidades tienen que ser verificadas, analizadas. Para eso sirven las misiones técnicas. Para eso llamamos que venga aquí el director, al que fue el responsable de la misión de observación electoral. Quién mejor que él, que dirigió sobre el terreno a los observadores electorales. De momento, como les digo, hemos tomado estas medidas de suspensión de la ayuda – tanto la parte civil [al gobierno] como la parte militar. Estudiaremos todas las alegaciones y todas las circunstancias que han ocurrido en estas elecciones tan disputadas. No les puedo decir nada más, solamente decirles que las aspiraciones democráticas del pueblo de Georgia tienen que ser satisfechas y que tiene que hacerse la luz sobre todas las circunstancias que han ocurrido en estas elecciones. Pero no les puedo anticipar el resultado de los trabajos que se van a hacer. 

Q. I just want to know what was discussed about the Horn of Africa, particularly on the tension between Ethiopia and Somalia, and the axis created now with Egypt, Eritrea and Somalia, and its impact on the fight against Al-Shabaab.  

Comprendo su preocupación, que la compartimos todos. No es lo mismo la situación en Somalia, que la situación en Sudán, pero forma parte de la misma compleja realidad regional, que se extiende desde Sudán hasta Etiopía, Eritrea y Somalia. En Somalia, la Unión Europea ha invertido durante muchos años muchos recursos financieros, y hemos apoyado las misiones militares de la Unión Africana. Desgraciadamente, no hemos conseguido estabilizar el país de forma que no sea necesario que esta ayuda militar continúe. Y tendrá que continuar, pero tendremos que repartir la carga entre la Unión Africana, las Naciones Unidas y la Unión Europea. No sabemos todavía los detalles de la propuesta que se va a hacer, y cuando la tengamos la estudiaremos. Somos bien conscientes de la necesidad de seguir manteniendo el apoyo a Somalia, como siempre hemos hecho, pero pidiendo a nuestros amigos africanos que entiendan que la Unión Europea no puede ella sola mantener el coste de una operación que dura ya mucho tiempo. Que tiene que ser compartido con ellos, con la Unión Africana y con las Naciones Unidas. No le puedo decir mucho más. 

Q. I have a question on the next High Representative/Vice-President. Do you think that Kaja Kallas is going to keep the focus on the Middle East and especially on the Gaza Strip?  

Eso es una pregunta muy fácil. Seguro que mi sucesora dedicará toda la atención necesaria a todos los conflictos a los que tiene que enfrentarse. 

Link to the video: https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/en/video/I-263817